Female Chauvinist Pigs

As our discussions drifted across topics of feminism and cultural history, my friend, Brittany, passed me chapter 3 of Ariel Levy’s Female Chauvinist Pigs to get my opinion. So my thoughts — some personal and off-the-wall, some deliberately male in perspective, some just trying situate Levy historically – are based on chapter 3 alone.

Levy is generally in the tradition of Gloria Steinem and (loosely) the early Betty Friedan (of The Feminine Mystique). I’d love to tell Brittany and others that I’m all for (or all against) Levy, but the case is a bit gray. Overall, I lean against Steinem and Levy in favor of Camille Paglia and Sheila Nevins (the film and tv producer Levy critiques in the chapter) and the later Friedan (of The Second Stage, where the confrontational approach to cultural formations yields to a more collaborative approach). However, I’m definitely sympathetic to some of Levy’s positions, and her style makes the book engaging and readable (although I find her habit of “proving” things by the anecdotal evidence of three 20-somethings she met in lower Manhattan unconvincing).

My annotations begin, as the chapter begins, with Levy attending a lecture by Sheila Nevins…

p. 90 Nevins grew up “where women were quiet.” I’ve often heard of this place but never been there. Certainly not in the home I grew up in or the bars I worked at or the universities I taught at. Although Nevins doesn’t use this as a battle cry in her lecture, I do sometimes fear that those who bring the “mandated silence of women” to the battle front may have mistakenly armed themselves to fight yesterday’s war.

p. 91 When a “frumpy” lady questions Nevins for producing a show about strippers, Nevins jumps to the defense of sexy women acting sexy (thus voicing the position that was once associated with “male chauvinist pigs” and giving Levy her book title, which also happens to be the title of chapter 3). Levy here makes her move and very deliberately situates herself historically – on the surface, she sides (theoretically at least) with the frump against Nevins, but on a deeper level she is siding with Gloria Steinem against Camille Paglia. One could see Steinem/Levy and Paglia/Nevins as two threads that came out of 60s feminism.

Steinem/Levy argue that reducing women to sex objects devalues them (and that Paglia/Nevins glorify the quasi-pornographic images that hold women down). Paglia/Nevins argue that giving women a carte blanche to express their sexuality however they like is liberating (and that Steinem/Levy are a bunch of prudes who recoil at the first hint of male sexual desire).

I think Levy has raised an interesting debate question here – when it comes to an overly sexualized pop culture, and pop culture’s demand that women be overly sexualized, how can you point out the exploitative/devaluing side of it without coming off as “puritanical”? Or on the other hand, how can you celebrate sexuality and the sexual body without opening yourself up to exploitative, devaluing consequences, without endorsing a view of women as merchandise to satisfy the vanity of men?

But by bottom paragraph p. 92, Levy gets a little too snarky with her self-congratulatory sarcasm, and I believe she opens herself up to Paglia’s perennial charge that Steinemesque feminists become a little hysterical in the face of anything sexual. Levy started with a good question, but she is so smug in her own conviction that I lose faith in her ability to search objectively through the complicated layers of this topic.

I would come at the apparent contradiction (where each thread has a strength and a weakness, but never the twain shall meet) by a return to the 60s hippie culture that was formative for both threads. For that moment in cultural history, I believe both threads made sense together as one fabric. There was a sense in the counterculture that sexuality should be celebrated openly, almost defiantly, in the face of Establishment conventionality, as one way of breaking down those conventions and the capitalist, consumer culture supported by such conventions. This means returning sex to its fully human value, not reducing it to a commodity value (a tendency of all values under capitalism). From this point of view, open sexuality between loving human beings is great. On the other hand, the over-sexualized, quasi-pornographic media pulls sexuality back into the vulgar, materialist, capitalist, consumer culture by commodifying sex and the human body. For me the litmus test is whether the open sexuality being expressed reinforces the human value of human beings (good) or the commodity value of human beings (bad).

So for me, Paglia/Nevins are right that we should be free to express our sexuality as we choose; are right that the sexual desire of men for women, which some feminists seem to think is intrinsically negative, is actually a powerful, positive, archetypal part of the human experience that we should welcome and celebrate. But Paglia in my mind goes too far into celebrating pornography, failing to acknowledge any difference between liberating forms of sexual openness and dehumanizing forms that use sexuality to pull us back into a more intensely “commodified” version of what should be human values.

Steinem and Levy have the opposite strength and weakness. They rightly see that commodified versions of sexuality, and of the female body in particular, don’t really help women at all in their personal lives or in their collective struggle to be seen as equal to men (although they may give a momentary feeling of freedom). But Steinem and Levy may go too far in that they do seem to recoil at any hint of male sexual desire, as if that to express such desire were itself a crime against women. Ironically, they have actually fallen into the same trap as Paglia. Whereas Paglia failed to distinguish between liberating and destructive forms of sexual openness, and marked all sexual openness as “good,” Steinem/Levy similarly fail to distinguish between liberating and destructive forms of sexual openness, and mark all sexual display as “bad.” Opposite problems resulting from the same mistake. The solution must start with a recognition that sexual openness can be deployed in both liberating and destructive ways (based on whether it reinforces the fully human aspect of human relations or reduces human relations to visual fragments and commodity-values). Probably the 60s/hippie bra-burnings come closest to a ritual that finds the sweet spot. The bra burnings said, “We’re going to openly celebrate our natural sexuality, AND we will not let our sexuality be reduced to the pornographic trappings of a bourgeois consumer culture.” So (as usual for me), the economy of values in the hippie movement is the one that has the right balance and the lasting value.

… now to continue my annotations…

p. 94 I agree that women have often had to become “one of the guys” to move up and that this is a problem. I probably don’t see it as quite so severe as Levy. Most of these production houses she speaks of want money above all else – they really don’t care if you’re a male, female, or hermaphrodite; if they see dollar signs they’ll take it. Does this mean someone who’s “confident, aggressive, and unconflicted about [their] choices”? Yes, probably so. But if these are the traits that generate dollar signs, women can “be” that as well as men. Believe it or not, most “guys” need to learn how to be “one of the guys” to move up, too. If a guy is not “confident, aggressive, and unconflicted about his choices,” he won’t advance at these kinds of institutions.

p. 96ff. I pretty much agree with Levy’s negative assessment of the trio of twenty-something women in New York who buy into the culture of glamorized raunchiness. I agree with Levy that there are good reasons “one might not want to feel like a stripper” (98). But whereas Levy seems to think this trio represents all women, I am not willing to concede this level of philosophical immaturity to women in general.

I share Levy’s distaste for Howard Stern, The Man Show, etc., but waddaya gonna do? Juvenile sexual humor will always be with us. All we can do is call it juvenile and move on.

There is some stereotyping of men that is unfortunate in Levy (and easy to fall into if you’re writing a feminist essay). From my experience, the number of men who find the “stripper” a model of female attractiveness are a small minority (though vastly overrepresented in pop culture). The number of men who are “confident, aggressive, and unconflicted in their choices” also a minority, although it’s a sliding scale. In other words, I’m not even sure how a woman could try to “act like a man” unless she first reduces all men to a simplistic single stereotype that can be emulated.

pp. 104-107. I think Levy misses the whole point of Uncle Tom’s Cabin (a common problem among those who accept conventional wisdom about the book … but in this case it adversely affects her gender theory). If you don’t cherry pick the cliché passages, Tom is clearly constructed as a man of strong and unwavering ideals and willing to heroically suffer abuse for those ideals. The whole point of the novel is that human goodness does transcend race (or gender). Levy seems to argue that if you try to transcend race, you can only end up “acting white”; if you try to transcend gender, you can only end up “acting male.” To me this is a very self-defeating, binary view of the world. I disagree with Levy here and agree with Harriet Beecher Stowe that we can and should emulate great people regardless of their race or gender, that there is a shared humanness underneath the trappings of race and gender (and therefore we CAN transcend race and gender).

On p. 108, Levy seems to come around to my point of view about male stereotypes and the human level that transcends race or gender … but other parts of her essay reinforce those very stereotypes and undermine that capacity to transcend.

p. 117. She ends by saying “If you are the exception that proves the rule, and the rule is that women are inferior, you haven’t made any progress.” I say that those exceptions – and I can think of several in our own Engineering Department at my office – don’t “prove the rule”; they gradually undermine the rule, making it a little bit easier for those who follow.

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Is There Really a Republican War on Women

(Originally presented to the nonprofit WELL — Women Empowered and Loving Life)

 There has been much play in the media lately about a Republican Party “war on women.” The first point of dispute is whether there really is a “war on women.” Some media outlets claim this is just Democratic Party hype to win the female vote in the election this fall. Others say the war is really happening. Some WELL members may already be well informed about this issue and may or may not choose to read on. But for the young women in my audience who have not been particularly interested in politics, I ask you especially to read on, because whether or not you find politics interesting, the choices you will or will not have in your everyday life next year and the year after are being determined right now.

First, don’t believe the doubters. There is a war on women and it is being driven by the Republican Party. I have been paying attention to politics all of my life, and women’s rights are being more hotly contested right now than at any time since the 1970s. The Republican Party has been hijacked by right-wing extremists who are highly energized to roll back rights that women have taken for granted for the past 40 years. Just take a look at the chart below for a sample of what’s happened in the past year alone.

And this is not the end of it. Just recently (March 14, 2012), the Mississippi State House passed a law that would (1) require doctors to perform an invasive transvaginal ultrasound on abortion seekers, (2) prohibit the abortion if a heartbeat is present, (3) allow an exemption for rape only if the woman can prove she was raped, and (4) define life as beginning at conception, basically giving the state final control over every pregnant woman’s body. Right now inTennessee, a Republican-sponsored bill moving through the House mandates publishing the names of each doctor who performs an abortion and detailed statistics about the woman having the procedure. It’s almost as if these Republican legislators are saying, “A woman’s decision about abortion is not painful enough already; we’re going to mandate an array of invasive intra-vaginal procedures that are medically unnecessary, shame her privately and publicly, and make sure that she carries emotional scars for the rest of her life.”

Even if you’re not political, even if you think you may never have to make a painful choice about abortion yourself, you may wake up next year and suddenly find that you have no option for contraception coverage in your insurance, and that your local family planning center can’t screen for breast cancer or give Pap smears because it has been defunded by the government. These are not political abstractions; they are things that the Republican Party is publicly calling for all around the country on a daily basis right now. It’s the worst I’ve seen since the 70s. And don’t believe anyone who says both parties are just as bad. Neither party is perfect, but Republican politicians are overwhelmingly trying to roll back women’s rights and Democrats trying to hold the line on women’s rights. The most important woman in the country right now when it comes to ensuring that women’s issues get fair play in the fall elections is Debbie Wasserman Schultz, Chair of the Democratic National Committee. Google “DNC Women’s Institute” to get on her mailing list.

Finally, don’t fall for those who would cast this as a “men vs. women” issue. When women and progressive men stand together, we make a strong majority of voters. Those who are against women’s rights would like nothing better than to drive a wedge between women and progressive men. The real fault line is much more accurately Republican vs. Democrat, with a large majority of male and female Democrats in favor of maintaining women’s hard-earned rights, and a majority of Republicans trying to chip those rights away in every legislature.

You don’t have to listen for more than a few minutes to President Obama’s Republican challengers to get this. Romney, Gingrich, Santorum are falling all over themselves to prove they would be the first to do away with Planned Parenthood (even though 97% of its health services are not abortion-related), the first to mandate the most humiliating procedures for any woman seeking an abortion, the first to support any business who wants to cut birth control pills from their insurance. Sign up with Debbie Wasserman Schulz. This is a crucial time to promote and vote for President Obama and the Democrats.

Contraception Flap

Here’s a copy of my recently published Times-Picayune letter to the editor (March 2012)…

Re: “Contraception rule splits America,” Page A1, Feb. 10.

It is ironic that the bishops in the contraception coverage flap rest their case on religious freedom. President Obama’s plan lets every woman make her own reproductive health decisions based on her own faith and conscience.

The bishops object, claiming for themselves the right to dictate to those women what choices are acceptable. Henry Fielding had a great definition of hypocrisy: “concealing vices under the appearance of their opposite virtues” — exactly what the bishops are doing when they claim religious freedom to justify religious compulsion.

Let churches have their longstanding exemption for core-mission employees, but when running hospitals and universities, they should allow their employees and students the same freedom of conscience allowed by other private enterprises.