Poor Ronald Reagan

He must be rolling over in his grave to hear his party is going to make America great again by praising Putin, promoting Russian aggression, and questioning whether we should stand by NATO allies should Russia attack — exactly the opposite of Reagan’s stance (see the 1983 “Evil Empire” speech). Yet Trump has turned the whole party to a pro-Russia position that was unthinkable to Reagan and almost any Republican pre-2016. And he has done it quickly and not through foreign policy chops but through energizing his followers to a blind loyalty. Kudos, Mr. Trump, for demonstrating the personality-cult model of politics par excellence!

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Nietzsche, Kant, and Trump

I don’t get the fascination with Nietzsche. I just read Beyond Good and Evil, and it is entertaining for the over-the-top bravado, but it seems all attitude and no substance. Or what substance there is comes in a kind of rambling teenage blog – this and that about philosophy, a dozen or so pages devoted to witty but dubious generalizations about race and nationality, occasional 2- or 3-page romps into witty but dubious generalizations about women, a sudden chapter on music. If you enjoy the bullying wit of a Simon Cowell or a Gordon Ramsay (or Trump for that matter), Nietzsche is your guy. But I can’t figure out how to take him seriously as a philosopher.

When he does venture into critiquing previous philosophers, it again seems all attitude and no substance. In sweeping dismissals, he attacks Kant, Plato, et al., not with argument but with attitude – as if being critical with enough attitude, enough wit and passion, will, in the absence of any real argument, bully people into agreeing with you for fear of your ferocious wit – your ill-natured “will to power” (if you will). It’s like Trump mowing over his opponents by name-calling and verbal bullying.

This approach might partly be explained by one of Nietzsche’s well-taken points – that psychology is the hidden key to philosophy and other quests for knowledge. “Every great philosophy up to now has consisted of … unconscious autobiography,” in which the philosopher “creates the world in [his] own image” (Chap. 1).

When Nietzsche turns this shrewd analytical model on his favorite nemesis, “old Kant” as Nietzsche flippantly likes saying, some elements of Beyond Good and Evil become clear to me. Regarding Kant’s categorical imperative, Nietzsche says: ”Apart from the value of such assertions as ‘there is a categorical imperative in us,’ one can always ask: What does such an assertion indicate about him who makes it?” (Chap. 5)

Two things here. First is Nietzsche’s dismissal of the cornerstone of Kant’s ethics, the “categorical imperative” – not because he has any argument against it, but merely because a universal ground of ethics is anathema to Nietzsche’s pet theory of one morality for the master class and a different morality for the slave class. Kant’s universal ground of ethics – basically behaving in a way that is universalizable – the way that you would wish all people to behave in similar circumstances, irrespective of any ‘interest’ you may have in the situation – this might lead one, in Nietzsche’s words, to treat “public spirit, kindness, deference, industry, temperance, modesty, indulgence, sympathy … as the peculiarly human virtues” (Chap. 5). Of course, for Nietzsche these are NOT human virtues generally but virtues that apply to the slave-morality, to we everyday sufferers who would value sympathetic relations with our fellow sufferers. For those “destined to command,” a different morality applies, a morality that values “certain strong and dangerous instincts, such as the love of enterprise … revengefulness … rapacity, and love of power” (Chap. 5). These qualities, which were considered good in the old heroic age and are now considered “evil” in our debauched age of democracy and mediocrity, need to be restored as applicable for the “higher orders of men” (Chap. 3) while the great mediocre majority sticks to their slave morality of compassion and so forth. On this issue, I’ll take Kant over Nietzsche  – not only because Kant at least takes the time to make a logical argument for his case, but also because a Kantian world where people treat each other as they would like to be treated just sounds better than a Nietzschean aristocracy equipped “to accept with good conscience the sacrifice of a legion of individuals, who, for its sake, must be suppressed and reduced to imperfect men, to slaves and instruments”; i.e., an aristocracy whose “fundamental belief must be precisely that society is not allowed exist for its own sake, but only as a foundation and scaffolding, by means of which a select class of beings may be able to elevate themselves” (Chap. 9). It sounds a little bit like roaming gangs in the service of strongmen plundering the rest of society at will. It seems this has been tried, e.g., in medieval times before the great monarchies rose to establish widespread law and order, albeit through absolutist rule, or in more modern times, the battling warlords of Somalia, each following his own “will to power,” believing in “rank and NOT in equality” (Chap. 1) and rising above the “shallow-mindedness” of “equal rights, equal training, equal claims and obligations” (Chap. 7). I am as amused as the next reader at Nietzsche’s bracing bravado, but forgive me if it all sounds a little dystopic if taken seriously.

The second takeaway from Nietzsche’s dismissal of the categorical imperative arises from his psychological focus. “Every great philosophy …[is] unconscious autobiography” indeed. Nietzsche’s rejection of the categorical imperative, though no argument against it, reveals Nietzsche’s own attachment to his double morality for master and slave classes, just as his grounding of human nature to the “will to power” says more about him than about human nature generally. (Might not others be driven by a will to love or will to harmony or Nietzsche’s much-maligned will to truth?) One suspects that as a child he was chastised to obey the rules of good behavior and not throw tantrums to put his own will above the rights and well-being of others. Consequently, he devoted his life’s work to justifying his own impetuous will to power. Good for him. But don’t drag the rest of us into the same dark and narcissistic space. (One similarly imagines Ayn Rand being told as a child not to be so selfish and hence devoting her life’s work to a justification of selfishness.)

Nietzsche’s autobiographical/psychoanalytical caveat may further explain his appeal. Most kids want to be “in” with the bully who exhibits the most bravado in the schoolyard. And most do not outgrow this with age (witness Trump’s popularity). The masses have no interest in systematic argument. They prefer an autocrat’s withering derision of “the idiot masses,” as it (1) makes them feel aligned with the autocrat’s power, and (2) makes them feel that they themselves are superior to “the masses.” #1 might at first seem to support of Nietzsche’s view of the primacy of “will to power,” but — sadly for “old Nietzsche” — it is specifically the “lower order of human beings,” not his “higher order,” who get suckered in on #1. D. H. Lawrence’s Apocalypse, a death-bed plea for a spiritual and cultural rejuvenation, shares much of Nietzsche’s world view, but Lawrence is much clearer about this latter point — that the “will to power” crowd are not the cream of the crop, as Nietzsche presumes.

Let me pause to say that there are parts of the book I appreciate. The willingness to defy convention and carve your own path – e.g., the push to liberate sensuality from conventional moralities – is certainly admirable to me. Some of the historical looks at morality are good. The emphasis on the psychology behind philosophical systems is indeed enlightening and still underworked as far as I can see in my limited view of modern philosophy. Some of his critical points about religion and the soul seem well-taken, though they don’t require much heavy lifting intellectually. But even the solid points suffer from the megalomaniacal side of his thought. E.g., that untruth (as well as truth, one might say) is a condition of life (Chap. 1) is an interesting and solid point, but that “a philosophy which ventures to” base itself on that proposition “place[s] itself beyond good and evil” is a huge leap in logic, although Nietzsche treats it as if the one follows seamlessly from the other – a willingness to play sloppy with logic that you would never find in Plato or Kant.

Along these lines, the emphasized “will to power” seems all too often to simply mean that bluster is sufficient, without logic or evidence. And indeed, his critique of other philosophers is largely just that – bluster without argument. It’s like Trump giving second-grade name tags to his opponents – fallacious at best, but a good way to hook the masses. Most Trumpian/Orwellian of all, Nietzsche reviles Kant’s pride – here, in the midst of a book that opens with a breathtaking dismissal of all Platonists, Stoics, Kantians, etc., as idiots who stand to be corrected in this volume!

When he does seem to make an argument against Kant (though not mentioning Kant in this passage), his argument seems an almost childlike misunderstanding of Kant. “Others say even that the external world is the work of our organs. But then our body, as a part of this external world, would be the work of our organs … reductio ad absurdum” (Chap. 1). One would have to misunderstand the relation between noumenal and phenomenal worlds in a very fundamental way to think this is a critique of Kant.

The same with cogito ergo sum. He mocks those who say “I think” presupposes an “I” (Chap. 1). His point that too much, post-Descartes, has been presumed about this subjective ‘I’ doing the thinking and doubting may be well-taken and yet his adolescent need for bluster takes the reins, and here too he lets what could have been a good argument devolve into an exercise in attitude. To give Nietzsche his due, bluster gets ratings with the masses, whether it’s the bluster of Simon Cowell, Chef Gordon Ramsay, or Donald Trump. These public figures may have bits of good as well as bad to offer, but it’s the bluster that gets the ratings. In the case of Nietzsche and Descartes, the idea that even if I deny reality exists, I cannot dispute that ‘I’ am denying it – in terms of reasoned argument, this idea seems more convincing than Nietzsche’s mockery of it.

A common defense of Nietzsche on this issue is that he is deliberately unsystematic and should not be judged by the terms of systematic philosophers like Plato or Kant. I am unconvinced. This is like a student in an academic writing class saying, “I don’t believe in systematic reasoning so you can’t judge me on whether I actually support my claims with logic or evidence.” I suspect that would not fly, even in Nietzsche’s own courses in classical philology. So why do people tolerate it in Nietzsche’s philosophy? Because people tend to give a wide berth to the schoolyard bully. And then they find a rationalization.

It may be that how we choose to define philosophy is what’s at stake here, so let me be clear. To me, philosophy is (1) partly defined by the kind questions you ask — not what is the speed of light but questions about the nature of reality, of human experience, of ethics, knowledge, values, etc.; and (2) partly defined by the process you follow. Even if we grant there’s no absolute truth, philosophy should be reasoning things forward, drawing upon logic and evidence to get closer and closer to a more accurate or useful endpoint. So, yes, for me, Plato and Kant are definitive philosophers; Nietzsche is just a blogger before his time. (Nothing against bloggers — I am a blogger myself — but if you want to disregard systematically supporting your claims, just admit you are a blogger and not a philosopher — you cannot compete with Plato and Kant on their own turf.)

Returning to Nietzsche’s caveat, “Every great philosophy …[is] unconscious autobiography,” I believe that is indeed the keynote of the book. Nietzsche is perhaps more of a psychoanalyst of philosophy than a philosopher himself. And when one turns the psychoanalysis back upon Nietzsche, the rest of the book does make more sense. It is by using himself as a standard that he concludes that the “will to power” is the cardinal instinct of humankind (Chap. 5), that as one of “the higher class of men,” he has a RIGHT to ramble through generalizations about nationalities, women, music, whatever, and no need to justify any of it to the mediocre masses of the slave morality (presumably, us).

It is demagoguery in the manner of Trump. For the noble man, “morality equals self-glorification” (Chap. 9). “Egoism belongs to the essence of the noble soul, I mean the unalterable belief that to a being such as ‘we’, other beings must naturally be in subjection, and have to sacrifice themselves” (Chap. 9). You can’t find a better definition of Trump narcissism than that.

And if the bravado of these quotes seems over the top, there are plenty more.

“A man who has depth of spirit … can only think of women as orientals do; he must conceive of her as a possession, as confinable property, as a being predestined to service ….[The problem today is] she is unlearning to fear man: but the woman who ‘unlearns to fear’ sacrifices her most womanly instincts … she is daily being made more hysterical and more incapable of fulfilling her first and last function, that of bearing robust children” (Chap. 7).

“Resist all sentimental weakness: life itself is essentially appropriation, injury, conquest of the strange and weak, suppression … exploitation” (Chap. 9).

These passages sound an awful lot like what we would today call social media trolling.

I suppose the clearest counterpoint to the ethical base of Beyond Good and Evil is the Dalai Lama:

“If you want others to be happy, practice compassion. If you want to be happy, practice compassion.”

Ah, compassion! The bete noire of Beyond Good and Evil, the lynchpin to the democratic forces “threaten[ing] a new Buddhism” in Europe, with their belief “in the herd … in their religion of sympathy, in their compassion for all that feels, lives, and suffers” (Chap. 5). Sorry, but as with Kant above, I’ll take the Dalai Lama over Nietzsche on this one.

And at the end, a curiosity. The final passage of the book throws in a disarming bit of humility. “I, the last disciple and initiate of the God Dionysus: and perhaps I might at last begin to give to you, my friends, as far as I am allowed, a little taste of this philosophy? In a hushed voice, as is but seemly…” (Chap. 9). After a text of breathtaking arrogance in its dismissal of all previous philosophers and of equal rights for all but the master class, it is hard to tell if this humble bit is tongue-in-cheek or a revelation that the real Nietzsche is not the pompous bully who just delivered the book-length harangue but a companionate fellow traveler who was just bantering us the whole time. I tend to favor the “pompous bully” theory, but the trolling nature of the outlandish rhetoric gives me second thoughts. Maybe he was just trolling, bantering. Maybe the whole thing was ironic. I don’t know. For one thing, I haven’t read other bits and books by Nietzsche in many years, so I’m just giving my own bemused reactions to this one. Some of you Nietzsche supporters and scholars can reply with chuckles, clarifications, or merciless attacks. Anything to liberate my readers from the now-public quagmire of my own thoughts.

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The Roe v. Wade problem

The U.S. Supreme Court’s decision to overturn Roe v. Wade, which had blocked states from denying abortion rights to women, is no doubt a 50-year setback for women’s rights. No way around it. But besides the problem that millions of women will now face in their personal lives (many of whom will have to carry unwanted pregnancies to term), there is also the immediate political problem. Republicans/conservatives had held a very large advantage going into the 2022 midterm elections. Because about 2/3 of Americans favored keeping Roe v. Wade, there will no doubt be some swing against Republicans in favor of women’s rights. But beware of overconfidence. The Republican advantage has gone from large to small but they are still likely to gain some seats in Congress. And Democrats/liberals are famous for snatching defeat from the jaws of victory. The 2016 presidential election is a case in point. The Republican nominee (Trump) was probably the most spectacularly unqualified candidate in U.S. history, both in terms of competence and temperament, and the Dems found a way to lose. And after the election? Did Dems look in the mirror to see how they may have alienated so many voters that they were thrashed by the worst candidate in history? No, they doubled down and wrote off everyone who disagreed with them as racist. Perhaps a harmless strategy if you are preaching to the choir, but hardly a way to win back some of those you have alienated.

So what’s the problem today? Just looking at the electoral side for now, the problem is stopping the Dems from self-destructing. A large majority is on your side on abortion rights. Don’t give away the electoral advantage this gives you. Two pitfalls in particular are easy to avoid, and yet I fear they are exactly the kind of pitfalls Dems generally dive into.

  1. Don’t frame this as women against men. Nothing the right-wingers would like better than to split us along gender lines. If it’s the pro-choice camp (most men and women, most moderates and liberals) against them, they are far outnumbered. (A Pew poll last week found 58% of men and 63% of women think abortion should be legal in “all or most cases.”) It’s really the men and women who are pro-reproductive rights against the men and women who are against reproductive rights. The problem is that right-wingers get a lot of help from progressives on this point – progressives whom I already see on social media framing it as men v. women, drawing a battle line that gives far too much to the other side.
  2. Don’t let this get twisted into the far less popular views associated with progressives these days – a fear of using the word “women” because it may somehow be offensive to some trans activists (activists who are fighting a noble fight, but as with broader justice movements in race and gender, have to deal with factions within that are counterproductive if not downright destructive). Don’t let it be broadened into the amorphous idea that Americans are generally a bunch of racist, sexist, xenophobic, homophobic idiots. Yes, some Americans are like that, and yes, that is a branding of liberals and Dems largely initiated by their opponents, but please don’t help them to do it. “You’re a bunch of racist, sexist idiots who should vote for me” is not a winning electoral slogan. Don’t forget that there are a lot of Americans out there who are fighting the good fight in their small ways, if not on the front lines.

Now I understand that I may get some pushback on #1 and #2 from my younger progressive friends – fair enough, we can haggle out how to hone the ideology and prioritize strategies as we go forward. But if there is pushback, remember that I’m actually on your side. Multiple and diverse points of view is good, not bad, in the same way that genetic diversity moves the species forward. Mainly, though, just be careful how you frame your case. It could be the difference between having 2/3 of the country at your back or having things go as they did in 2016.

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Trump and the environment

If you find yourself weighing policy issues in this US campaign season, you might take note of this one …

“The Trump government continues its race to sell out” nature for profit before the election (Adam Kolton, Alaska Wilderness League).

https://polarjournal.ch/en/2020/08/19/u-s-a-approve-oil-production-in-nature-reserve/

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Why I do and don’t fear (for) my progressive friends

Between the general disgust with Donald Trump and the specific outcry over the George Floyd killing, revolutionary momentum is building, and the possibility of social transformation seems more within grasp than at any time since the 1960s. This might be a good time to review the things that stoked the 1960s radicalism of Martin Luther King and the hippies for both inspiration and cautionary checks.

Of the various rhetorical angles one might bring, I’ll bring this one. Let’s say I’m a 1960s radical fired up about the 2020 movement but fearing that progressives have made some wrong turns. I’d express those fears as below, not to derail the movement but to prevent it from being derailed, not to push the movement back but to push the dialectic forward through counterpoints. Here are the wrong turns, as they might seem to a 1960s radical.

1. We were for chaotic free speech, rough and tumble, for wider freedom to think, speak, dress, and live in whatever unconventional arrangements you choose. Today’s woke progressives seem too much in favor of policing dissent and standardizing options to their own norms. We wanted to obliterate the cultural police; they want to BE the cultural police.
2. While acknowledging race, we struggled to remove race as the definitive marker of identity, to sort and judge people by values/character; today’s woke progressives seem to have restored race as the definitive marker of identity, sorting people into racial boxes and giving moral tags to the boxes. This may not be the intent, but beware lest you let the devil back in through the side door.
3. We saw a recognition of shared humanness (“they” love their kids, laugh, cry, like “we” do) as the antidote to distrust and bias across racial lines; today’s woke progressives seem to see “shared humanness” as a white supremacist conspiracy designed to elide black identity.
4. We worked to marginalize racists and racism; they seem to seek and magnify it everywhere. E.g., when I think of how over the years, I (white) have had black roommates in two different states, I believe by woke standards (parsing for white privilege and white fragility) I am racist because I look back and see only good friendship there, not insidious racial dynamics. I can think of no better way to reverse the gains in consciousness we’ve made since the 1960s than to re-read every instance of cross-racial love, friendship, and collaboration as an expression of insidious racism.
5. We sought to fix persistent racial inequality by identifying with each other across racial lines based on values, not skin color – with a rainbow coalition for justice and equality on one side and those clinging to an unjust status quo on the other. Today’s woke progressives seem to reinstall the battle lines between black and white, or blackness and whiteness. (There is nothing that old-school racists would like better than to peel off whites who would join the cause of racial justice by recasting that cause as a black vs. white battle.)
6. With regard to feminism, we sorted people into those (male and female) who were pushing for equality and those clinging to an unjust status quo. Today’s woke progressives seem to redraw the battle lines as female versus male. (There is nothing that old-school sexists would like better than to drive a wedge between women and progressive men by redrawing the battle line as female vs. male.)
7. With regard to gender and sexual preferences, our instinct was to obliterate all categories and let everyone enjoy whatever consensual arrangements they like, without sorting them into morally tagged boxes. Today’s woke progressives seem to continually generate more and more gender boxes for sorting people, tagging each box with a moral tag or victimhood level, and encouraging each group to defend the wall around its segregated turf.
8. We were (implicitly) in favor of all forms of “cultural appropriation” in every direction. Bust open the cultural lockboxes and play with each other’s stuff, continually wear the other’s shoes – black, white, female, male, every ethnicity and sexual orientation – incorporate, collaborate, and share a laugh when cultural cross-pollination becomes clumsy, as it often will. Woke progressives seem to prefer that each demographic circle the wagons and guard its turf against cultural appropriation. Applied to the arts, this wrong turn is especially devastating. When creatively identifying with people from other races and genders becomes the #1 cultural sin, we’ve pretty much lost everything the Civil Rights movement stood for. Whereas the “truism” today seems to be that whites cannot know the heart of blacks, Asians cannot know the heart of Hispanics, etc., 1960s radicals felt that we CAN and SHOULD see into each other’s hearts across those stupidly reified lines of race and gender, that we really ARE brothers and sisters under the skin, and that indeed all our future hopes lie in that very recognition that heart-to-heart human connection is not limited by race. I.e., we were radically integrationist in a way that must horrify today’s conservatives and woke progressives alike.
9. We were for extending the universal rights and truths of the Enlightenment, however belatedly, to all peoples. They seem to reject the universal rights and truths of the Enlightenment as features of white supremacy, and prefer tribal (“you can’t know my truth because you don’t look like me”) rights and truths. To us, tribal rights and truths are the causes of distrust and bias across groups, not the solution to distrust and bias across groups.

Why I don’t fear (for) my progressive friends

1. Our long-term vision is the same – a harmonious multicultural society, comfortable with diversity, free from shame and self-loathing on any side, in which we recognize that we are all on spaceship Earth together and are able to celebrate our differences as well as our shared humanness.
2. There is a growing sense that rather than clinging to the left in an old left-right paradigm, people are ready to break the whole paradigm. This means breaking the grip of leftwing Establishments as well as rightwing Establishments. The left still has a hold on the progressive movement, but there is something in the air to suggest that progressives may soon break that hold and cross a new horizon line.
3. There is a gap between the intelligentsia of woke progressivism (in academia) and the grass roots progressives on the street that warrants optimism. Many of my fears above are rooted in the formulations of critical race theory (and critical theory as applied to women and other identity groups). These think-tank products are almost invariably divisive and counterproductive, enforcing a sense of identity defined by race and gender, drawing ever sharper lines and fomenting animosity between them. The kids on the street seem already beyond – or very nearly beyond – the academics in their ivory towers.

Why, one might ask? Why the disconnect between the academic think tanks and the street? We can start with the cynical idea that the main mission of every academic department (at least in Humanities) is getting funding for next year (cynical, yes, but not for one who has seen some of these annual and highly competitive funding battles). If you are in newly formed Identity X Dept, you had best prove quickly (and build a sufficient body of literature to back it up) that X is the cornerstone of identity, and that the struggle of people X is defined by trait X above all else and is a struggle that will continue in perpetuity (hence our need for funding in perpetuity). “Shared humanness” or the idea that one’s value system and not skin color is the defining aspect of identity means your dept is on the defensive in next year’s battle for funding. Call it a conspiracy theory, but at least it is one aligned with the accepted principle that self-preservation is often an operative force behind the scenes of what one thinks and does. It also aligns nicely with Karl Marx’s insight that the economic base is the driver and the political/ideological superstructure evolves in a way that serves the economic base.

Luckily for us, the kids on the street are not invested in next year’s funding for Dept X. The toxic influence of those academic theories is wide across newsrooms and other institutions, but it is not deep. Even where kids on the street mouth the slogans they learned from the academic think tanks, my sense on the street is that deep down they are not at all invested the divisions those slogans are designed to perpetuate. Deep down, they are invested, on the contrary and perhaps to the dismay of the more self-aware of those theorists, in that long-term vision of a harmonious multicultural society, comfortable with diversity, free from shame and self-loathing on any side, in which we recognize that we are all on spaceship Earth together and are able to celebrate our differences as well as our shared humanness. They already intuit, on some level, that there is no retreat back to conservatism, but there is also no future in the divisiveness of academic theories or in the increasingly narrow speech and thought zones of too many of our media outlets. They already know. Turn off the news and love your neighbor. Talk out of turn. Never stay in your lane. Never trust anyone, left or right, who says we need to respect walls of separation.

The ever-prescient LSD guru of the 1960s, Timothy Leary, had the right solution after all: If you want to bring society over the next horizon line, “Drop out, turn on, tune in!”

Or, if you prefer Lennon/McCartney, “All You Need Is Love.” Get that part right and the rest will follow.

Get Together 

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The real problem in the body politic

(Trigger warning: equivalence alert!)

No, I don’t think the Democratic and Republican platforms are equivalent. Ideologically, I’m with the Dems maybe 50% of the time and the Repubs maybe 10%. No equivalence there. But the partisan tone has become equivalent on both sides. If a Dem or Repub leader says anything at all, the other side must consider it a priori wrong (and indeed evil) or risk being kicked out of the club. Perhaps social media is the worst for trapping people into such silos, but with many friends posting political comments daily, I can’t remember the last time any of them on either side deviated from the preset party line when an oppostion leader spoke.

So yes, I favor the Dem platform (or at least find it less bad), but there are three beasts in the cage, and the Republicans are not the most destructive of the three. There are the two major parties, and then there is the “us vs. them” paradigm of politics and social relations, shared equally by denizens of both parties. With my old hippie vision of moving toward a more ideal union, where people still disagree but with the understanding that we are all on spaceship Earth together, it is the paradigm itself that is the most destructive beast of the three. As long as we are locked into the zero-sum, “us vs. them” paradigm, we can move laterally to fix this or that local issue, but there can be no forward movement. We can get short-term ideological gains from our party – e.g., as I favor the Dem platform, I can hope the Dems seize the reins from Trump for at least the short-term benefits I think they would bring. But I cannot hope that Dems any more than Repubs will fix the long-term, and possible fatal, disease in the body politic. Neither party has the slightest motivation to correct the “us vs. them” model that is killing us.

Our only long-term hope is for someone to emerge outside the current political spectrum, an MLK-type voice. Politics per se is dead, killed by the two parties and the army of idiot activists on both sides. I don’t mean the government won’t continue its administrative function, but I mean something more along the lines of Nietzsche’s “God is dead” proclamation. Nietzsche knew that religious structures were not about to disappear, but he also could see that God was no longer a credible anchor of human belief structures. In the same way, for those who would step back from the everyday administration of government and re-envision a better society, politics is no longer a credible tool.  Best to throw it away.

The good news is that underneath the veneer of us vs. them activism, I find that many people are quietly hungry for a unifying voice. I thought Obama was potentially such voice, but his failure to unify the country was pre-ordained by the fact that he emerged within one of the two major parties. Half the country will never listen to any unifying voice that emerges from the opposition party. Thus, my statement that the voice must come from outside the current political structure is a kind of logical tautology. Logic permits no other way. Of course, such a voice, on such terms, may never come, and we may disintegrate slowly or quickly, depending on which of the two parties is in power. But those people I meet hungering for some voice to restore a sense of shared humanness, those people still give me hope. We just need to take all this activist energy invested in one side or the other of the us vs. them paradigm and turn it against the paradigm itself. I would especially ask my friends on the left who consider themselves radical: How radical can you be if you are still hauling around the old albatross of the “left vs right” paradigm? If you want to be radical, break the paradigm.

Can we really get a critical mass of people to shed the dead snakeskin of politics as we know it and start over with a blank slate, a social vision stripped of politics with nowhere to turn but to heart and imagination? Probably not, but it’s worth a try.

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Postcards from a shithole country

A few days in central Mexico …

(or in one of “those shithole countries,” as President Trump has labeled them)

                 

 

 

 

 

 

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Trump’s Wall

Charts here (Washington Post) show that illegal border crossings are at a relative low and that illegal immigrants in the aggregate commit fewer crimes than native citizens. Buy you only need the one bar graph below to see that the current immigration “crisis” is entirely fabricated for political gain.

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